It has become commonplace in sociology and anthropology to study phenomena generally associated with public policy from the ‘bottom up’, refocusing attention on the experiences of the actors, those whose voices are heard by ethnographers. By inviting readers to consider sustainable development from both the top down and the bottom up, we hope to encourage a confrontation between the definition and circulation of a category that has taken centre stage in development policies (that of sustainability), the way in which the organisations responsible for implementing it appropriate it and translate it into practice, and the way in which individuals locally define what is sustainable and distinguish it from what is not.

Sustainable development is based on the concept of rights (Redclift, 2005) and is part of a neoliberal development philosophy (Haque, 1999). As a result, it takes little account of social inequalities (Lélé, 1991). Despite calls for participatory approaches, studies on citizen participation have regularly shown the exclusion of the most disadvantaged groups in favour of a ‘middle class already engaged in community or political life’ (Carrel & Talpin, 2012). Many projects are based on a vertical approach (Bresson, 2022) and stifle the voices of the working classes. The lack of consideration for social issues is also evident at the level of international relations. Sustainable development continues to be driven by international institutions and organisations dominated by Northern countries. While the new prevailing dogma is one of ‘structural solidarity between North and South in the face of common dangers’ (Griffon & Hourcade, 2002), the dual economic and ecological constraint on which policies for sustainable development are based hits Southern countries harder (Metzger & Couret, 2014). Southern countries are required not only to implement all the measures necessary for the development of a liberal economy, but also to take into account the ‘globalised prerogatives established by Agenda 21’ (Metzger and Couret, 2002), particularly in terms of environmental protection.

The definition of sustainable development and associated practices is therefore particularly challenging in various African countries. Coveted for their resources by extractive projects that generate significant employment, many African countries are simultaneously encouraged to preserve their biodiversity, which represents both hope for the planet and for the fight against climate change, and to create protected areas that are often sources of tension between internationally defined standards and local practices of resource exploitation (hunting, fishing, agriculture, gold mining, etc.).

Several questions can therefore structure our thinking: How is sustainable development conceived in different African countries, according to their specific challenges? Which actors define and disseminate these concepts or their implementation? What role do forests and climate change play? What does it mean for local populations, and how do different concepts compete with each other? What local assessments of sustainable development are emerging and what is their scope? What continuities or tensions does sustainable development maintain with development more broadly and with heritage considerations?

We invite proposals that analyse both the categorisation process and the application of the sustainable development category, as the two are closely linked, focusing on how sustainable development affects work in the broadest sense. Categories structure public policies and have a performative power by labelling individuals who engage in certain activities, sometimes reinforcing existing social hierarchies or creating new ones (Herzog, Zimmermann, 2023). But categories do not only shape individual behaviour, they also constitute resources for actors.

This is why we encourage concrete analysis of the relational dynamics between actors present in spaces where different frames of reference meet (gold mining and industrial extraction areas, national parks or protected areas). Companies also claim to be able to contribute to sustainable development and try to promote and implement their own, often opportunistic, definition of sustainability, which does not always fail to cause tensions with the expectations of local populations. These companies, which are often foreign, attract new populations through their activities, including foreign workers and young people who have recently urbanised and returned to the area, drawn by professional opportunities. What representations and practices associated with sustainable development circulate among these mobile populations? What impact do formalisation policies and standards, promoted by international actors, have on the work and activities of the populations that ‘inhabit’ this space?

We invite contributions in the humanities and social sciences that question sustainable development based on empirical work, comparing the representations and practices of different actors (international agencies, public agencies, companies, civil society organisations or international NGOs, local populations, etc.)